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Čekų patarlė (manau vertimo nereikia):

“Kdo chce s vlky býti, musí vlky výti!--If you run with the wolves, then you must howl with the wolves! Remember who your people are, keep and tell their stories to keep the fires of the culture alive!”

1. Apie dakus http://www.hungary.com/corvinus/lib/chk/chk04.pdf.

2. Dingusios tautos "Lost Peoples".

3. Pomeranijos bažnytkaimiai XVII - XVI amžiuje tarp jų ir Rugijos kaimai (nemažai baltiškų pavadinimų): http://home.germany.net/100-110994/orte.htm - A

4. Romos imperijos žlugimas http://www.san.beck.org/AB11-AugustineandRome.html - 6

5. “The Great Slavslaying”from  More Light on Vitiges the Great & the Formation of the Gothic Empire

The Baltians today met the Kolotchinians in a mighty battle near Polovtsk to decide the fate of Kolotchine.  The Baltians arrived first, and selected a battlefield covered with woods, hills, and a river.  However, the heavily
outnumbered Kolotchinians sought an arena more suited to their knights, and retreated until they found an empty flat plain, with some hills, woods, and a river on their extreme right flank.

King Mroz was worried about being outnumbered almost 2:1, but was confident in the superior quality of his troops.  King Vicas's main problem was fitting all his troops into the battlefield, and avoiding the knights.

Vicas moved first, boldly occupying the hills on his left flank with thousands of warriors.  These then advanced on the woods to their front, revealing a few light infantry.  Vicas hoped to move this huge body of troops through the woods and into the enemy baggage, but despite outnumbering their foes by 4:1, the woods and river slowed them down  too much before they could attack.

On Vicas's left centre, King Mroz's ally, Guylas the Herul, deployed his knights and bowmen, and marched as fast as possible on the Baltian horde.  The Baltian Auxilia deployed five lines deep, but was repeatedly smashed by the knights.

The Baltian guard, warbands who quickly had their opponents on the run, occupied the centre of the battle.  Eventually, they tore a huge hole in the Kolotchinian centre.

On the Baltian right,  auxilia and kings with their cavalry bodyguards  struggled all day for advantage.  King Mroz personally wiped out two Baltian units, while Baltian cavalry did terrible damage, executing many Kolotchinian auxilia.  At one point, King Vicas was surrounded and in terrible peril, but managed to retreat to safety.

Guylas continued to demolish the lines and lines of doughty auxilia, who bravely charged his fast-moving knights again and again. Slowly, the knights were going down to the suicidal attacks. Baltian auxilia crossed the river and advanced behind Guylas, but were held back by Mroz’s reserve.  Guylas's bowmen were dead or in full retreat.

The Baltian guard had advanced as far as the Kolotchinian's last line, when the Kolotchinian auxilia launched a ferocious attack, and destroyed half their opponents.  King Vicas was unable to fill the gaps, and the warbands were soon overwhelmed.  With the fate of the entire army in their hands, a two -pronged attack by superior warband on the Herulian bowmen also failed.

Guylas's knights were critically short of men, but had ridden down the second last line of Kolotchinian auxilia.  The huge Kolotchinian allied command finally broke.  However, the fight had been hot, and for many hours it had only required the loss of one knight or bowman to see off the Heruls.  In desperation, the Vicas's ally Ringaudas charged with his cavalry against the knights, only to be speared through and routed
himself.

Seeing the entire Baltian centre in rout, the rest of the Baltian army broke, leaving the exhausted Kolotchinians cheering their hero king, and the Heruls lining up to be paid.

6. “Canonici Wissegradensis continuatio Cosmae” apie "…regis Theutonicorum Conradi conductorumque eius Wladislai ducis et episcopi Zdiconis" (1126 – 1142 originalas)

7. Cronica Ecclesiae Pragensis [Benessii Krabice De Weitmile]
Liber Primus. Incipit Cronica Ecclesie Pragensis Et Protenditur Usque Ad Tempora Domini Karoli Imperatoris.
Minima pergalė prieš Prussie paganos.

8. Romos laikų žodyno ištrauka: Litana, ae, f.: Litana (forêt de la Gaule Cisalpine).

litania, ae, f. : prière. - litanias facere, Cod. Just. : prier en commun.

9. Etruskų žodyno http://web.infinito.it/utenti/e/etruscan/indice.htm fragmentas:

25/26TCET

zusleva/s  tizi izei  acasri pacu[sn]asie ur la iumiai zuslei  i aiei  tartiriiai fanusei  pep iai    [TLE : tartiriiai]

zusleva stizaitei acasri pacus[nasi]e ur la iumia[i zusle]i  [ ]i aiei t[ar] tiriiai fanusei pep iai

zusleva stizai  tei acasri pacus[n]asie ur  la iumiai  zuslei i aiei tar tiriiai  fanusei pep iai

26/27TCET

ra/tu  ce iniai  tei  turza  es a ce e [-------

ra/tu  ce iniaitei  turza  es a ce e [-------

ra/tu  ce iniai  tei  turza  es a ce e [-------


10. Teutonų (Kryžiuočių) riterių juokeliai:

The Sense of Humoramong theTeutonic Knightsof theThirteenth Century:

We seek to understand our ancestors by studying their thought through political documents, religious treatises, and literature as much as by examining the physical remnants of their civilization and reading accounts of their deeds. An important but neglected aspect of thought is humor.

Certain aspects of medieval humor are well-known, thanks to the perennial popularity of Boccaccio and Chaucer, but these authors are generally considered to be exceptions to a rather dull and stuffy age; and, while specialists can point to numerous other authors who knew how to turn an elegant phrase of recount memorable anecdote, most would agree that some members of medieval society seem more notable for their lack of humor than for an excess of it. One of the least humorous groups was the crusading order, a body of knights devoted to poverty, chastity, obedience, and war against infidels and pagans. This, indeed, was the attitude which the Church sought to inculcate among these warriors--singleminded devotion to God and duty--and the success it attained is shown by the contemporary reputation the orders had among both its allies and its enemies.

The crusading orders were renowned for their terrible fervor and their contempt of death, but also for their mutual jealousy, great ambition, and avarice. Consequently, every accusation cast at them found an audience willing to believe the most exaggerated charges; and when the orders fell upon evil times, Christian monarchs confiscated their lands and sent the crusader monks to the stake with the same feeling of justification held by those Moslem princes who beheaded the prisoners who came into their power. Perhaps few organizations can be suspected of having as small a sense of humor as did the crusading orders; and, of all the crusading orders, none would be less credited with a comic sense than the Teutonic Knights, whose already impressive reputation for coldness and austerity was enhanced by subsequent generations of professional soldiers in Prussian service. Yet, as we shall see, the Teutonic Knights did have a sense of humor.

The surviving documents do not lend themselves easily to investigation of this personality trait: state papers do not often contain jokes; three of the four chronicles (Peter of Dusburg, Nicholaus of Jeroschin, and the Rhymned Chronicle of Livonia) were composed as Tischrede, edifying historical works to be read to the assembled knights during meals; the other chronicle (Henry of Livonia) was a report drawn up to inform a papal legate about the history of the crusade in the north; and hearings by papal officials were intended to reconcile disputes among the contentious political and religious groups in the Baltic.1) It would be possible to amass more examples of humor by extending the research into the 14th Century, but the Teutonic Knights made a decisive break with their past as that century began. Forced out of the Holy Land, they concentrated their energies upon the crusade in Prussia and Livonia, where they fought Christian Poles as enthusiastically as they did pagan Lithuanians and "schismatic" Russians. And, at the same time, European society was becoming more sophisticated and worldly-wise, so that the recruits brought with them rather different attitudes than were prevalent in the 13th Century.

Surviving materials are voluminous by definition, filling a small shelf with histories, letters, and reports in Latin, middle high German, and middle low German. But most of these are strictly of a political, military, or economic nature, and its priestly authors so as to avoid scandal or any possibility of encouraging the readers and listeners to improper activity censor the remainder.

In this way, mention of the subject of sex was extremely rare (the authors being fearful that the knightly monks might take their vows lightly), and the two examples found in Nicholas of Jeroschin might be more typical of the mid-14th Century than the 13th, so that we would omit them if other stories were available; but no other tales exist, and indubitably these two stores were passed down from earlier times. The first anecdote describes a raid upon a Lithuanian wedding party; after the handful of Christian warriors had disposed of the drunken guests they crept up to the bridal chamber "and then they awakened the bridegroom roughly and also the bride with screams, interrupting the honeymoon." The author then added an aside, "I swear, though, if it had been up to me, they could have slept on as they wished to; but it wasn't, so they had to get up."(2) The second anecdote concerned commander Bruhaven of the Konigsberg garrison, who as a youth wanted to join the Teutonic Order but had doubts that he could keep the vow of chastity. Accordingly, "he took a maid, young, pretty, and clean, who not equalled by anyone in the neighborhood for bodily beauty. And he lay all night in bed next to herl And Bruhaven kept this up for a full year and then took an oath and gave proof that he had never deflowered her."(3)

This story was probably accepted in the same spirit that the knights would have read Ripley's "Believe It or Not." The warriors were a jolly group, famous for their meals and entertainment, and the secular atmosphere, the political gossip, and the jokes were such a hindrance to good religious discipline that the Virgin Mary once appeared to a knight to complain about his companion's conduct. That they would have allowed the preceeding tale to pass without comment strains credulity.

The most common type of story (and the one most approaching a joke) concerned pratfalls and misadventures in war. The knights were particularly sensitive about teeth. The crusaders who ran a naval blockade on the Vistula River huddled on the decks under a heavy missile fire, but the only casualty mentioned was that the Prussians "knocked a tooth out of brother Conrad."(4) In that combat against the Semgallians led by King Vester, "Brother Marquart was watching for him and charged toward him as soon as he saw him. He was born in Barbach and was a good knight. He guarded his honor well and many men praised him. May his soul be happy! But his horse carried him too wide and Vester knocked out I don't know how many teeth! Then he escaped into the castle. Brother Marquart was not very happy that he had gotten away."(5) Similarly, they liked to ridicule pretension:

There was a certain knight among the vassals of Swantopolk who so disliked the Teutonic Knights that he expressed his contempt whenever he heard their name mentioned. And it happened one time that the duke was relaxing in a certain village and had called some of his knights to him for fun and said, "Let's send a servant to the fields and after a while have him come back and say that the Teutonic Knights are comingwith an army, and let's see how cowardly this knight proves to be." They liked the idea and sent a messenger to carry out the business. The Teutonic Knights, as it happened, were coming along not far from the village, and when the messenger went out and saw the brothers coming with their warriors, he was stupified and made pale with fear, and with great shouts and a drawn sword he returned to Swantopolk and said, "get up fast and escape, because the Teutonic Knights are coming with an army." Those who knew what was happening smiled, but the cowardly knight, hearing the name of the Teutonic Knights, jumped up from the table and fled. But the messenger kept repeating his first words earnestly and swearing with oaths that the Teutonic Knights were nearby with an army. And the duke left the others smiling with one companion, who was killed by a knight who followed them to a certain stream, where he could not catch the duke, but the other knights were captured and killed.(6)

This tendency to moralize may tell us more about the priestly chroniclers than about the knights themselves. We may suspect that the warriors like a good story for its own sake, because examples such as the following abound:

In this battle a certain brother Gerhard, a Saxon, was chasing the fleeing Prussians and cut off the head of one with a sword, but the wounded man did not fall to the earth immediately but an on without his head after the others for a good distance and then died. The knights who saw this were all astounded and said that they had never seen the like.(7)

Some of these stories have an ancient and honorable lineage. The monk of St. Gall would recognize the conversation between Ottokar of Bohemia and a Prussian nobleman:

The King of Bohemia led his army to the castle Balga, where he met through the brothers a certain old man named Gedune... who knew everything about the military capabilities of the Samlanders. And the King asked him when he saw the first unit of the army if it was strong enough to succeed, and he answered no. Then the second unit came, twice as strong, and after seeing it he responded as before. When the third unit came, three times as strong, he said that it was sufficient. Then came the rest of the army, which covered the ice like locusts cover the ground, and when the King asked if such an army could act in Samland, he answered, "It is sufficient to go anywhere you wish."(8)

All the skills of the storyteller were invoked to interest the knightly audience that listened to the reading of the history of the order. Consequently, the authors interspersed witty remarks through the text, remarks that probably reflect the wit used in everyday conversation. Phrases such as "to make widows and orphans,"(9) "to tear this crane's nest into little pieces,"(10) and "he killed enough of the nobles of the land"(11) are found commonly. Puns were used now and then.

The knights appreciated boorish ignorance of the social graces: "Some of them were so impolite, that they had to lay down and stretch out their feet toward the castle when death broke their hearts."12 And they were conscious of their duties as hosts: "Nearby us dwelt some evil guests,"13 and "Death had overburdened us with these guests who want to harm us. We want to plunk out their feathers in several places."14 Conversations were imagined:

When Mindaugas came to Wenden and heard that the Russians had led him onto thin ice (that is to say, they had left him to devastate the land with fire and sword by himself), he said, "Traniate, tell me, you evil man and absolute coward, now that the Russians had betrayed me and now that you have turned the Master into my enemy, what advice can you give me?15

Another theme that runs through humurous remarks is money: The pagans "pushed forward to the storm enthustiastically and advanced on the castle. But some had gotten up too early that morning and had to leave as pawn the body that they had brought there."16 Indeed, their contempt of the money-grubbing merchants brought the knights into conflict with Riga. The citizens protested the destruction of a bridge over the Dvina River, saying that it had cost one hundred Marks to build, whereupon the local convent officer had responded, "What are a hundred Marks to you?"17

When the citizens threatened to fight over the issue, the officer responded further, "Who you? You would resist us? We would rather die at your hands than succumb to the pagans!"18

In a similar manner the knights mocked the secular priests. At the siege of Dorpat, the crusader monks advanced into battle while the priests fled into shelter: "The Russian army was very large, and the bishop feared them and he ordered the army to the castle. The priests (pfaffen) feared death greatly, as is their ancient tradition and their present custom."19

The numerous references to pagans are characterized by a fascination with their simplicity and naivete. A Samland noble who visited Balga to see whether the knights were made of flesh and bone or were a new type of metalic monster was reported to have told his fellow countrymen that, "they ate grass like horses. Who can withstand people who can sustain themselves in the wilderness and eat grass for food?"20 The knights had probably been eating cabbage that day. No doubt this raised merry comments from the listeners about the quality of the diet they were consuming.

Nicknames were given to individuals. Master Hartmann of Grunbach, for example, called Watmal from the poor quality cloak he tried to force the knights to wear.21

In all the examples that can be cited, however, the belly laugh remains absent. The closest any author came was a description of the pagans who attacked Königsberg:

It happened that the Samlanders with their attacking army so overwhelmed the castle that one brother among those who were stationed on defense had to abandon his already-strungcrossbow and narrowly escape. Then one of the Samlanders hung the crossbow around his neck. The others standing around admired this greatly because they had not seen anything like it before, and, touching it in diverse places with their hands, one depressed the trigger; and the bowstring cut his throat so that he died shortly afterward. From this the Prussians feared crossbows very much.22

The knights, however, had their own appreciation of remarks we might consider simply bad taste. One gibe that was repeated often was first made during a confrontation at Dünamünde when a monk threatened to appeal to the Pope for help against the crusaders' oppression; a Teutonic Knight responded that they already had a Pope among them, and when the monk asked where he was, the knight pulled out his weapon and said, "the sword is our Pope and it is never far from you."23 This statement damned the reputation of the crusading order for all subsequent generations, being repeated by enemies as proof that the order was nothing more than a pack of land-hungry, irreligious troublemakers; and the knights repeated it, too, apparently persuaded that it was a great joke.

Unfortunately, the era did not encourage comedy. The Teutonic Knights were fighting for survival both in Livonia and Prussia, and they lost the fight in the Holy Land. Threatened by pagan armies, episcopal ambitions, a renewed Polish national feeling, papal hostility, and warned by the fate of the Templars that they, too, might be destroyed, the crusaders developed a cynical outlook on life that reinforced the already dour atmosphere that permeated the bleak convent life of isolated castles on a cold and distant frontier. That their humor was ironic and heavy is understandable.

The knights were not witty or greatly imaginative, if the few (and perhaps untypical) examples are to be believed. They appreciated the method of storytelling more than the story, so that the style of the delivery was as important as the tale; and they liked puns--facts difficult to appreciate in English. But the characteristics of this humor are so in keeping with those found elsewhere at this time that we may feel assured that we are not mistaking the stylistic genius of the few authors for the peculiar qualities of the group. Although the subject matter does not lend itself well to analysis (Who would ever suspect Henry Kissinger of having a keen wit from reading his official reports or a history of his diplomatic activities?), but it does provide us with occasional glimpses of the personalities hidden behind the iron helmets and cloister walls. Anyone associated with sports or the military will recognize the humor of Teutonic Knights: their locker-room jokes have been subjected to an intense censorship that suppressed references to sex and excrement; eliminate these from the rather limited vocabularies of any all-male group and what remains is the humor of the crusading orders.

What are the key words and symbols associated with their humor? What unlocks their subconscious for us, so that briefly, so very briefly, we may look into their minds and souls? First is duty. Theirs was a very special service, one threatened by priestly moralisms, episcopal avarice, and bodily temptation. Their humor was pointed at these targets, either lightly or with heavy sarcasm, depending on the degree that these threatened the goals of the order. Bodily temptation was not a great problem, and therefore was dealt with lightly, but priests and bishops who attempted to force the knights to obey them were deadly enemies, enemies of the duty the owed the Church and the Empire, the Pope and the Emperor. Under duty are marshalled the concepts of honor, courage, and military skill. Second comes nobility, which was only barely a fit subject for joking. The jibes about base-born individuals or burghers make it clear that the knight had few things to be proud of in their semi-cloistered world; and their birth was one of their highest objects of pride. Consequently, they despised the pursuit of money or trade, and they respected their noble pagan enemies. Third come pride, particularly pride in appearance and bodily beauty. The loss of a tooth was a painful experience that most of the knights must have known. The humor came int he knowledge of the frustration and embarassment that such a minor injury brought. Fourth comes a morbid fascination with death that was approached ironically. All the various ways of becoming a corpse are mentioned in the chronicles, and the demise of countless numbers of enemies is recorded joyfully, and, in a subtle way, almost humorously. Lastly, there were the vicissitudes of life in the convent--poor food, the burden of chastity, the cold--that the knights faced relatively cheerfully. Perhaps that is a commentary on the low level of comfort in the 13th Century. Not even nobles had a varied diet or warm rooms, and the knights lived fairly well by contemporary standards. They hunted and fished, hawked and traveled much like other lords, and their business of government and war kept them occupied more than was the case of many secular lords.

In short, what does the humor of the Teutonic Knights tell us about the ideals and practices of the membership, in contrast to what is told about the elite leadership by the treaties and documents? It says that duty, nobility, pride, and death were the subjects of greatest concern--approximately what the order stated its objects were. Larger questions of life, of philosophy, of theology are conspicuously absent, as are references to major political figures, contemporary personalities, and events. Perhaps these larger questions, which form an important part of the modern intellectual's concept of what is funny, were present but simply not recorded. Perhaps, but not likely. The sample of humor, limited though it is, is sufficient to form a consistent picture of 13thCentury noble humor--local, earthy, ironic--filtered through a deeply felt commitment to poverty, chastity, and obedience.

The traditional view of the crusading order is upheld--their fervor and concept of death remains, as does their jealousy, ambition, and avarice--but no longer should one see the knights as unsmiling.

NOTES

1 Petri de Dusburg's "Chronicon terrae Prussiae" and Nicolaus von Jeroschin's "Die Kronike von Pruzinlant" are in volume one of Scriptores rerum Prussicarum (Leipzig, 1861; reprint Frankfurt/Main: Minerva, 1965); Heinrici Chonicon Livoniae (2nd edition. Hannover: Hahnsche, 1955) is available in English translation by James Brundage, The Chronicle of Henry of Livonia (Madison: U. of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Livländische Reimchronik (Paderborn, 1876; reprint Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1963), is available in English translation, The Livonian Rhymed Chronicle (trans. Jerry C. Smith and William Urban, Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1977); volumes one, two, three, and six of Liv-, Est-, und Curländisches Urkundenbuch (12 vols. Reval, Riga, and Moscow: Kluge and Strohm, Kymmel, and Deuber, 1853-1914) and volume one, parts one and two of Preussisches Urkundenbuch (Königsberg: Hartung, 1882 and 1909) contain most of the printed documents; and Das Zeugenverhör des Franciscus de Moliano (1312) (Königsberg: Thomas und Oppermann, 1912) is the most important papal investigation of this era. 2 Jeroschin, p. 519. 3 Ibid., p. 524. 4 Ibid., p. 423; Dusburg, p. 95. 5 Dusburg, p. 79 6 Reimchronik, p. 41. 7 Dusburg, pp. 78-9. 8 Ibid., pp. 106-107. 9 Ibid., p. 91. 10. Reimchronik, p. 90. 11 Ibid., pp. 86-87. 12 Jeroschin, p. 539. 13 Reimchronik, pp. 230-231. 14 Ibid., p. 87. 15 Ibid., p. 126. 16 Ibid., p. 149. 17 Ibid., p. 89. 18 Liv-, Est-, und Curlandisches Urkundenbuch, I, p. 567. 19 Ibid., p. 710 20 Reimchronik, p. 152. 21 Jeroschin, p. 416. 22 Dusburg, p. 95. 23 Ibid., p. 107. 24 Zeugenverhör, p. 51; also Liv-, Est-, und Curländisches Urkendenbuch,I, p. 747.

This publication is available in
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11. Pliny the Elder's Natural History (LacusCurtius) fragmentas:

Non alienum videtur hoc loco subicere inscriptionem e tropaeo Alpium, quae talis est:
IMP · CAESARI DIVI FILIO AVG · PONT · MAX · IMP · XIIII · TR · POT · XVII · S · P · Q · R · QVOD EIVS DVCTV AVSPICIISQVE GENTES ALPINAE OMNES QVAE A MARI SVPERO AD INFERVM PERTINEBANT SVB IMPERIVM P · R · SVNT REDACTAE · GENTES ALPINAE DEVICTAE TRVMPILINI · CAMVNNI · VENOSTES · 137 VENNONETES · ISARCI · BREVNI · GENAVNES · FOCVNATES · VINDELICORVM GENTES QVATTVOR · COSVANETES · RVCINATES · LICATES · CATENATES · AMBISONTES · RVGVSCI · SVANETES · CALVCONES · BRIXENETES · LEPONTI · VBERI · NANTVATES · SEDVNI · VARAGRI · SALASSI · ACITAVONES · MEDVLLI · VCENNI · CATVRIGES · BRIGIANI · SOGIONTI · BRODIONTI · NEMALONI · EDENATES · VESVBIANI · VEAMINI · GALLITAE · TRIVLLATI · ECDINI · VERGVNNI · EGVI · TVRI · NEMATVRI · ORATELLI · NERVSI · VELAVNI · SVETRI.


12. [MONACHI SAZAVIENSIS CONTINUATIO COSMAE] De chronica sancti Iheronimi et compositione annorum, fragmentas:

 Isto anno venerunt legati Rusciae gentis, ad regem Ottonem, et deprecati sunt eum, ut aliquem suorum episcoporum transmitteret, qui eis ostenderet viam veritatis, et professi sunt, se velle recedere a paganico ritu et accipere nomen et religionem christianitatis. Et ille consensit petitioni eorum, et transmisit Adalbertum episcopum in fide catholicum. Illi per omnia mentiti sunt, sicut postea eventus rei probavit, quia ille praedictus episcopus non evasit letale periculum ab insidiis illorum.


13. Victims Of The Baltic Crusade William L. Urban


14. Kryžiuočių Ordino Regula (Teutonic Knights), išversta anglų kalbon Prof. Indrikis Sterns.


15. Petri Zittaviensis Cronica Aule Regie
Incipit prefacio in opus subsequens
.
Fragmentas:

Vidimus nempe non solum de Italie, Francie tociusque Germanie partibus universis, sed nunc de Russia, nunc de Prussia, nunc de Grecia et nonnunquam de ultimis Ungarorum et de maritimis finibus ad hunc famosum regem confluere religiosos et eciam clericos plurimos seculares, quorum quidam barbam, alii comam more barbarico nutrientes suo ritu in greco, quandoque eciam in slauico idiomate celebrarunt missarum solempnia sepius coram rege, quorum plurimi discrecionis habentes spiritum consideratis domo et familia huius regis et ordine mensarum et ciborum vasorumque eius ultra vix habebant spiritum, sed veraciter cum regina Saba, que audire et videre sapienciam Salomonis venerat, non sub fuco adulacionis, sed ammiracionis animo regi multociens hec dixerunt: Maior est gloria tua fama, quam de te in terris nostris audivimus, et superat rumoris amplitudinem tue sapiencie et potencie magnitudo.


16. Ibn Fadlan's Account of the Rus (Rus’u aprašymas verstas iš arabų anglų kalbon)


17. Sarmatian Tribes:

Please note that those positions with pictures are currently player-character positions.

 Iazyges (Jotvingiai A.C.) : Sarmatian tribe who have recently arrived in the area and are settled on the east bank of the Danube and have as their capital the former Boii town of Aquinicum. Their army is Celtic barbarian in nature, and mostly light infantry

Bastarnae: A Sarmantian tribe whose capital is the former Greek colony of Olbia on the north-west coast of the Euxine Sea. Ruled by King Idanythyrsus.

Roxolanii: A Sarmantian tribe whose capital is the former Greek colony of Tyras on the west coast of the Euxine Sea as well as the small town of Tomis further south. Ruled by Decebalus and his brother Duras. They have a heavy reliance on well armoured heavy cavalry. Tomis has been attacked by their southern neighbour Thrace.

Cimmeria: Located on the northern shore of the Euxine Sea and bordered to the north by various Sarmantian tribes. Ruled by Machares of Pontus, the 45 year old son of Mithradates VI the Great King of Pontus and scourge of the Romans, by his marriage to his elder sister Laodice of Pontus. When King Paerisides V of Cimmeria died in 109 BC, Mithradates of Pontus invaded Cimmeria and by 106 BC had conquered the country (calling it the Kingdom of Bosphorus). His daughter and heiress Gepaepyris was taken hostage and bought to Pontus. Machares was later married to Gapaepyris of Cimmeria and sent north as viceroy to restore order, where the inhabitants had rebelled against Pontus. Machares reigned efficiently and well for 19 years in Cimmeria allying himself with the Romans against his father. In 66 the Roman attacked Mithradates and quickly defeated him. Mithradtes retreated around the eastern end of the Euxine Sea, attacking and taking Phanagoria. Machares and his brother plotted to overthrow their father and succeeded, with Pharances taking Pontus and Machares remaining in Cimmeria. The Cimmerian army has strong Scythian and Sarmatian influences with about 20,000 cavalryand 10,000 infantry present.

Maeotae: The remnants of a great race the Scythians, the Moeotae have been driven to this area by a new nation/race the Sarmatians over the last three hundred years. With their capital at Uspe, their land is located north of Iberia, between the Hyrcanian Sea to the east and the Euxine Sea to the west. The Maeotae are ruled by their king Saumacus.

Iberia: Ruled by King Artog, Iberia is a mountainous country in the wilds of the Caucasus mountains. Filled with barbarian tribesmen, it is believed Iberia can field a large army of between 20,000-30,000 warriors. These tribesmen are fiercely independent and fight well from the mountain stronghold.

Alani: Also known as the Alans. This is a nomadic Sarmantian tribe that live on the steppes north of the Euxine Sea and the Hyrcanian Sea (Baltijos).


18. Apie Gerulius angliškai http://www.geocities.com/troels_brandt/heruleng.html#C1


19. Rusų kiltis pagal skandinavus http://www.hf.uio.no/east/Medd/PDF/Medd77.pdf.


20. Etruskų raudų fragmentai http://web.infinito.it/utenti/e/etruscan/indice.htm:

LIBER LINTEUS ZAGRABIENSIS

colonna IX

1              zu leve · zarve · ecn · zeri · lecin · in · zec

2              fler · ezince · acnicstre · cil

3              pure tre · ena · e rse · tin i · tiurim

4              avil · i · cisum · pute · tul · ans · ha

5              repinec · acnicleri · cil l · pureri

6              me lumeric · ena · ra · tul · he  

7              vinum · trin · flere · ne un l · un · mla

8              nun en · zu leve · zarve · fa eic · ecn · zeri   [ScrE : zarva ;  ET : zarve]

9              lecin · in · zec · fler · ezinc[e · ]acnic tre

10            cil · purestre · ena [ · e ]rse · tin i

11            tiurim · avil · i · cisu[m · pute · t]ul · ans

12            ha ec · repinec · acnicleri · cil l · pureri

13            me lumeric · ena · ra · suu · nun enn

14            zusleve · fafa eic · far an · fleres · nene unsl

15            ra · cletram · rencve · nun en

16            estrei · al azei · zusleve · ra · eim · tul · var

17            nun en · estrei · al azei · tei · fa i · eim

18            tul · var · celi · su · nun en · flere · ne unsl

19            un · mla · nun en · i · esvi c · fa ei

20            cisum · pute · tul · ans · ha ec · repinec

21            acnicleri · cil l · pureri · me lumeric

22            ena · in · v · i · n · u · m · flere · ne unsl · i

23            [esvi c · fa ei · -----------------------------]           [ET, DE]

[5 desunt]

y1            nacum · aisna · hin u · vinum · trau · prucuna

[3 vacant]

y2            ciem · ceal u · lau umneti · eisna · a e/ri 

y3            tura ra ----------------------------------                [ET : tur-------]

  [4-5 desunt] 


II dalis mano archyvo: » Sugrįžti į pradžią


1. Herodotas apie Skitija ir kalbas

2. HUNAI

3. Etrusku kalba:

Mezu nemunius, vemetuvis, akiu, percnaz, mi prknš, kailes, velu[,mene, kutvalu , kraiu, uriu, titi, titinai,

Dievu vardai: e au va       tinia              menerva         turan ziumi e,  alna         atunis           a vizr, pultuke     amuke         kastur, veltune, :ziumi e: ,   mari halna, pultuke, tetie, aivas telmuns, pakste,

latva        tuntle        turms

 pantasila     zimaite

4. Zemiau rasite apie Asia Minor (Mazoji Azija). Hetitus. IONIAN, LYCIAN, LYDIAN, PHRYGIAN, TROJAN. Caanan. Mongolu chanus. Vandalu karalius. Orteliaus zemelapiu (Ortelius Map No.) Nr. 155 156 158 pilnus aprasymus apie Prusija, Lietuva, Lenkija, Livonija, Vandalija bei kitus kaimyninius regionus.


ASIA MINOR (Mazoji Azija ir jos tautos)

When Hittites and Luwians arrived in Central Anatolia around 2,100 BC after crossing the Caucasian Mountains,

(nudienos Ukraine, Russia or Turkistan) they found the native Hatti already settled there. The central figure of a bull stag framed with symbols and decorated with discs was the sign of Hatti hegemony. A palace belonging to king WARSHAMA was found at Kültepe, located near Kayseri.

LUWIANS and Hittites arrived in East Asia Minor ca 2100 BC, Luwians settling in southern and eastern lands of Anatolia. "They came from the East, maybe from the Caucasus, though there are opinions about their living in Greece earlier." Eventually, they migrated south to SYRIA and west, to lands later known as LYCIA. First Luwian (aka Luvian or Luish) documents refer to the 16th century BC. Luwian was used together with (Nessian) Hittite in the capital city of Hattusa, many Luwian documents were found in Royal libraries there. In the 13th century Luwian influenced the official Hittite language of the Empire. Luwian language was mainly spoken in the country ARZAWA, west of Hatti, and in CILICIA, south of Hatti, central province of the Empire The culmination of Luwian language development took place in the 13 - 12th centuries BC, when most of inscriptions were written. (Sea People Invasion) In the 11th century, Luwian disappeared in the West. It began to retreat under the pressure of Aramaeans and Assyrians who invaded Hittite lands from the South and East. Hieroglyphic Luwian was used in city-states of Southern Anatolia and Northern Syria, from 1000 - 700 BC. Luwian sources disappear in the East, in the 7th century BC. Hatti Luwian was assimilated by Aramaic.


HITTITE - NESIAN HITTITE (called themselves NESIAN)

and Luwians settle in Asia Minor ca 2100 BC. Hittites aka Hatti (cuneiform), Khuti, Kheta (Egyptian) or Hittim (bible), occupied central lands of Anatolia, Palaic tribes lived northwards around the city of PALA, and Luwians preferred southern and eastern lands. The earliest record is in the reign of Saamsu-ditana, last king of the first Babylonian Dynasty, ca 2000 BC, when Hittites marched on the land of Akkadia. From ca 2000 BC, this population is partly Semitic and Mongolic; the same race represented by Hittite records in Cappadocia and Pontus. Archaeological finds occurred near Ibreez, (pka Lycaonia), followed by others along the ORONTES at Hamah (Hamath). Long designated "Hamathite writing", texts of Hittite origin were discovered at Aleppo, Jerabûls, Ninive, Ghiaur-ka-lessi, Boghaz-Keui, Mount Sipylus, the Pass of Karabel. When figures accompanied inscriptions, all were clad in a tunic reaching to the knees, shod with boots with turned-up ends, and wore a high peaked cap. The true home of the Hittite monuments extends from the EUPHRATES to the HALYS River; monuments beyond these limits either mark the site of eccentric colonies, or are memorials of military conquests. "The high plateau of Cappadocia might be regarded as their primeval home." (Geography: Halys river, Cappadocia, Taurus Mts, Carchemish on the Euphrates boundry of Mesopotamia, about 150 miles between Halys and Carchemish.) At an early date some tribes forced their way through the Taurus Mts into Northern Syria and established themselves in the valley of the Orontes: Hamath and Cades (Kadesh) were early Hittite cities. Some bands, pursuing their march southwards, settled in the hilly region of Southern Palestine, where they intermingled with AMORITES, then in possession of the land. Amorites in Canaan 2300 - 1900 BC. ("mother of Jerusalem was a Hittite, father of Jerusalem an Amorite") The bulk of the nation established itself in Naharina, between two foremost empires of the ancient world, Chaldee and Egypt, making Hitttite territory one of the richest commercial countries in the East. Egyptian records witness military conquests of the Hitttite in distant regions of Western and Southern Asia Minor. Some traditions lingering on in those regions centuries later (origin of the Lydian dynasty) originated in Hitttite conquests. Egyptian and Assyrian documents detail some Hitttite history.

FOUR KINGS AGAINST FIVE TUDHALISH 1, ca 1750. THADAL, aka Tidal, Tudhalya, Tudhaliya, Thudhula, Tudhalish, sâr mâtâti (Sarmatian?) "king of foreign countries," king of Goiim (Hebr. Gôyîm "nations, confederation.") FYI: kings names are listed with or without suffix "sh."

During the 18th century BC, PITHANA was the first king of this era. While Hittites were still a small principality, they took control of Hattushash under the command of ANITTA-SH. By securing sovereignty among the other principalities, Hittites established a state. After Anittash, came TUDHALI-SH I (ca 1750 BC), PUSHARUMMA-SH, followed by King LABARNA-SH (1680-1650 BC.) When Labarnash died, he was succeeded by HATTUSHILI-SH I, and during his reign the boundaries of the Hittites extended as far as Aleppo. Hattushilish bequeathed his kingdom to grandson MURSHILI-SH I, disinheriting his own eldest son, HUZZIHA-SH. Murshilish I, king in 1660 BC, captured Babylon by defeating King Shamsu-Ditana and extended Hittite boundaries to include Syria as well. However, a revolt in Hattushash while he was in Syria, eventually ended with his dethronement. He recovered the throne from HANTILI-SH, who had overthrown him together with ZIDANTA-SH I and he was killed by his son AMMUNHA-SH. During this period, famine was rampant and there were several revolts. Luwian Arzawa, Adanuya and Shalappa were the first to revolt, joined by the Kingdom of Kizzuwatna, with whom Hittites were forced to sign a treaty on equal terms. Northern Syria fell under Mitanni (Hurrian) domination, while the state continued to diminish in power and began to shrink. Continuous struggles for the throne lingered on until Shuppilulima came to power in 1375 BC thus putting an end to the struggles for supremacy that had begun in 1590 BC.

Hittites appear in Egyptian records 1550 BC. HUZZIYA I was followed by TELIPINU-SH (1535-1510 BC) also tried to put an end to conflicts over succession, issuing his famous proclamation, the Telipinush Decree. After his reign the entire ancient Near East was engulfed in a period of darkness until 1450 BC. (Sodom & Gomorah, fire & brimstone, volcanic eruption?) During this period, the area was inundated by new influxes of migrating tribes, of which we have little information. (SEA PEOPLE INVASION 1.) The reign of Telipinush was followed by several brief reigns in succession. These were the reigns of TAHURWAIL, ALLUWAMNA-SH, HANTILI-SH II, ZIDANTA-SH II, and HUZZIHA-SH II. After the reign of Huzzihash II, TUDHALIYA-SH III sat on the Hittite throne and became founder of the great Hittite Kingdom. This ruler campaigned against Syria, Kizzuwatna, Kargamysh and Halpa and brought them back into the Hittite realm.

EGYPTIAN RECORDS CA 1480 - 1150 BC. Aziru the AMORITE, subject to Amenophis III, submitted to a great Hittite ruler and conquered the whole of Phoenicia down to Tyre. (Amenophis III ca 1480 BC; Thothmes III, in his twenty-third year ca 1458 BC.) Hittites enterprises forced Assyrian king Ramman-Nirari to invoke the aid of Thothmes IV against Hittites of MER'ASH; the first Egyptian campaign was directed against the Khetas. Hittites, with their allies the MINNI, AMURRU, KASI, and the King of ZINZAR, did not cease to press southwards, thereby causing serious alarm to the Egyptian governors. (AMENHOTEP III, aka Akhenaten, reign 1402-1364 BC. AMENHOTEP IV, aka Akhenaten, reign 1350-1334 at Thebes.) Once allied with a shared border, Hittites became enemies of Egypt after the weak reign of Akhenaten. Hitttites resumed the offensive during the reign of Amenhotep IV 1350-1334 BC. They were led by ETAQQAMA, son of SUTARNA, Prince of Cades (Kadesh), who had formerly warred against them. Before Etaqqama, Teuwaatti, Arzawyia, and Dasa, Syrian cities and Egyptian strongholds fell, and Cades on the Orontes became for centuries a strong centre of Hitttite power. (contradiction: Hittites rule Cades, Amorites rule Cades. Hittites ally with Cades, Hittites conquer Cades.) Horemheb ruled 1336-1306 BC, died without heir, named RAMSES I as Pharoah. Egyptian Ay (it-netjer) 1323-1319 BC, throne name Kheperkheperu-re. Death of a Hittite crown prince between the reigns of Tutankhamun and Ay, murdered on Egyptian soil, resulted in a cold war between Egypt and the Hittites. Soon after RAMSES I 1306-? was buried, new Pharaoh SETI had trouble on his hands. A series of wars erupt, triggered by the advances of neighboring peoples on the Egyptian Nile Delta, encouraged by weak and short reign of Ramses I. The Shasu BEDOUIN (Bedawi) were threatening north eastern trade routes. Seti had to repell these people and secure Egyptian borders to the North, while maintaining and expanding his territory in the south and east. Only vast expanses of the Western Desert, "land of the dead" (Sahara), held no approaching enemies. Six battle paintings are ranged in a series on the outer wall of the north side the Great Hall. On each of the many pillars, hieroglyphs describe Seti's campaign to repulse the intruders. A war in the east begins in the first year of Seti's reign. Seti raised an army and marched North, to the Temple on Mount Casius, past the current boundary of Egypt and deep into the land of the PHILISTINES. "In the first year of King Seti there took place the annihilation of hostile SHASU, from the fortress of KHETAM of the land of ZARU, as far as KANAAN." The Shasu next are routed in PHOENICIAN territory. Seti is shown fighting the next enemy, the RUTENNU of Canaan: (Rutennu related to Ruthen?) "HITTITE AMBUSH, Egyptian records dated 1294 BC." RAMESIS II (13th c. BC) "Then his majesty was in Ramses Meri-Amon, the town in the Valley of the Cedar. His majesty proceeded northward. After his majesty reached the mountain range of Kadesh, then his majesty went forward like his father Montu, Lord of Thebes, and he crossed the ford of the Orontes, with the first division of AMON. His majesty reached the town of Kadesh. Now the wretched foe belonging to HATTI, with the numerous foreign countries which were with him, was waiting hidden and ready on the northeast of the town of Kadesh, while his majesty was alone by himself with his retinue. The division of Amon was on the march behind him; the division of RE was crossing the ford in a district south of the town of Shabtuna, at the distance of one iter from the place where his majesty was ; the division of PTAH was on the south of the town of Arnaim; and the division of SETH was marching on the road. His majesty had formed the first ranks of battle of all the leaders of his army, while they were on the shore in the land of AMURRU. His majesty was in Djahi on his second victorious campaign; on the mountain range south of Kadesh; The lord proceeded northward, and his majesty arrived at a vicinity south of the town of Shabtuna." Rameses II employed mercenaries called SHAIRTANAU from Asia Minor.

After King Tudhaliyash II, ARNUWANDA-SH I came to power while his wife Queen ASMUNIKAL managed the throne (1440-1420 BC.) This was followed by HATTUSILI II (1420-1400 BC) taking over the throne and who was followed by TUDHALIYA III (1400-1380 BC). This ruler protected the benefits of the Hittites against the Aleppo kingdom (Egyptian) in the Southeast, the Kasga Kingdom in the north and Arzova Kingdom in the south. However due to his illness, he sent his son Shuppiluliuma I as commander of the expeditions. Despite SUPPILULIUMA (Subbiluliuma) I (1380-1345 BC) taking the throne by disregarding the laws, he went on to become the most powerful commander and successful statesman in Hittite history. During his reign, the Hitttite empire won a place of prominence in the Eastern world. Carchemish, Tunip, Nii, Hamath, Cades, are mentioned among the principal cities of his empire; MITANNI, ARZAPI, and other principalities along the Euphrates acknowledged his sovereignty; and Troad, Cilicia, and Lydia owned his sway. On the death of Shuppiluliama, the throne was taken over by son ARNUWANDA-SH II (1345 BC), but due to his death from plague in the same year, MURSILI-SH II (1345-1315 BC) succeeded to the throne at a young age. This ruler considerably extended the borders of the Hittite state, and when he died of the plague after a reign of thirty years, (30 year plague), he was succeeded by his oldest son, MUWATALLI (Muvattali) II (1315-1275 BC.) He first strengthened the borders of his country, like his father, before beginning preparations for an assault on Egypt. The Hittite Army, comprised of 35,000 infantry and 3,500 battle chariots, marched against Egypt, who retaliated with four army battalions. The two armies clas